Oct 28 2008
Want America to remain strong? Don’t vote for McCain.
One of John McCain’s most important foreign policy advisers, Robert Kagan, compares Russia to Nazi-Germany and demands a containment policy against Russia - the implications are clear: If necessary, America should even use military means to defeat Russia, but at least, there must be a new Cold War.
This approach relies on an overestimation of America’s actual power: America is at the brink of overstretch already. Its forces are bond in Iraq and Afghanistan, and its budget, due to the current financial crisis, is at the brink of collapse. The economic and military exertion a new Cold War would bring about could easily break the neck of the empire America. Let alone the delusional implication of a military conflict with Russia - considering Russia’s nuclear arsenal, such a war would most certainly be the last one America started.
Also, a new confrontation with Russia would most likely result in severe frictions with America’s closest allies: Western Europe is dependent on Russia’s oil and gas deliveries. Between 30% and 50% of its supplies is delivered by Russia, so nothing would be less in Europe’s interest, than confronting Russia.
How could it come so far?
Let’s take a look at the past eight years of American foreign policy towards Russia: Before September 11th 2001, President George W. Bush’s foreign policy followed the traditional realism of his father, according to which America would define its interests in a sober manner and engage in limited cooperation with Russia where interests converged. But after 9/11, this changed. Neoconservatives took charge of the foreign policy agenda, and the imperial mission of spreading democracy and human rights was given priority. While this might have sounded nice on the paper, it bought about arrogance of power and divergence of imperial mission and reason.
Not only did Bush, influenced by neoconservative advisors, start wars in Afghanistan and Iraq which have not yet been won and have cost taxpayers billions of dollars, but his policies also needlessly alienated Russia. Of course, Russia is not an empire with the strength of the Soviet Union anymore, but make no mistake, it is still a relevant regional power with the second largest arsenal of nuclear weapons worldwide.
Russia approached America after 9/11, offered a priviliged cooperation in the “War on Terror”, but it was never the neoconservatives intention to deal with Russia eye-to-eye: Time and again, America blatantly violated Russian interests. Bases were established in Russia’s backyard, Kirgizistan and Uzbekistan. The SORT Treaty violated disarmament agreements with Russia. America pushed for the construction of the oil pipeline Baku-Ceyhan in Azerbaidjan and Georgia, directing oil transport lines away from Russia.
And time and again, the ideological neoconservative imperial mission of spreading freedom got in the way of mutual relations: At least since 2004, American officials missed no opportunities to wag its finger at Russia, lecturing them about human rights and democracy standards. Bush’s agenda of spreading freedom caused active support for enemies of the Kremlin, Estonia and Georgia, with the accession of Estonia into NATO in 2004 and the promise to Georgia and Ukraine of NATO membership. The USA supported “coloured revolutions” in Ukraine and Georgia in order to strengthen pro-Western forces against Russia. American political strategists such as Anders Aslung developed similar scenarios for Russia, where “Putin’s authoritarian regime” could be “toppled by a popular uprising”, while America should “stand firmly on the side of democracy against Putin” in order to contain “Russian neo-imperialism”. Significant amounts of money were invested in the Russian opposition.
Russia has swallowed all this for several years. But eventually, Putin’s patience was exhausted: Russia ignored the decision in Brussels not to start negotiations with Hamas in Palestine. Putin started cooperation with Iranian President Ahmadinejad, who is considered an enemy by the USA. And Putin pushed the shutdown of an American base in Uzbekistan, which was considered a direct affront in the USA. He accused the USA of pursuing its own interests against Russia’s, using human rights and democracy only as an excuse.
A Cold War of words emerged, and Russia started a direct attack on the unipolar world order Bush had subscribed to since September 11th. A thunderbolt was Putin’s speech at the Munich security conference on February 10th, 2007, where he harshly attacked the USA by accusing it of “overstepped their national borders in every way” and drawing the world into an “abyss of ternal conflict” with their “blatant disregard for the principles of international law”. He branded the American policy of democratization as “colonialism”.
Brimming with this new self-confidence, Russia presented the USA a “sin list” which labels the “colored revolutions” as “colonizing interventions”. Russia attacked the intrumentalization of OCED by Washington for its national interests. The disrespect for Russian interests due to the interventions in Kosovo and Iraq is criticized, as is the missile defense system planned in central eastern Europe, the American troop stationing in Bulgaria and Romania, the NATO expansion to the east, and the American violation of the ABM treaty.
Russia considers itself in a new position of strength, while America is about sinking in the quicksand of Iraq.
The absolute low of mutual relations was reached in August 2008, when Georgia attempted to gain military control of the breakaway province South Ossetia supported by Russia. Russia reacted with a large-scale invasion on Georgia, which was no match for the Russian forces and soon declared a cease fire. Not before EU Council President Nicolas Sarkozy mediated did Russia agree to a withdrawal.
But Russia again enraged the USA by acknowledging the independence of South-Ossetia and Abkhasia. US Republican presidential candidate John McCain immediately demanded sanctions against Russia and its expulsion from G8. There is word now of a “new Cold War”. Obviously, John McCain is influenced by the same neoconservative agenda which made Bush fail on Russia.
In his 2005 book Empires - The Logic of World Dominance from Ancient Rome to the United States, renowned German political scientist Herfried Münkler proposes a systematic historical comparison of the imperial model of international dominance. He outlines the particular attributes of empires and the inherent logic of imperial leadership. Münkler is optimistic the empire is an efficient model of organizing international relations which offers stability and peace, as certain historical examples suggest. The Roman Empire, for example, is an example for an extraordinarily stable and prosperous imperial order, which guaranteed imperial peace and order at the periphery and material, as well as cultural prosperity in the center of its imperial realm.
As the title of his book reveals, Münkler considers the United States of America today an empire, comparable to historical examples like the Roman Empire or the British Empire: Within its realm, the empire America guarantees peace and imperial order, it exerts considerable economic and cultural influence that binds the periphery to the center, which is considered attractive by allies and potential new partners. Zones of lacking statehood or disorder at the periphery are being pacified, and thus the imperial order expanded, as for example when former Yugoslavia decomposed and perished in civil war. The empire America controls and protects the crucial streams of trade and commerce world wide, with military force if necessary, which is known as “humanitarian intervention” or “war against terror”. And the empire America has a strong cultural sense of mission, as other empires had before, in this case the imperial mission of spreading human rights and democracy.
But there are weak spots as well, which may cause an empire to fail, collapse or at least lose its status - there are historical lessons the empire America should study thorougly, to avoid the fate of past empires, all of which collapsed eventually. The classic threat for the empire is imperial overstretch: The empire overextends its capacities, engages in too many military adventures abroad at the periphery, its military endeavors surpass its economic capacities and in the end, the empire implodes, other powers fill the sudden vacuum. Often, this overstretch is preceded by a fatal overestimation of the own potence, the arrogance of power.
What causes empire to engage in unprofitable and fatal endeavours resulting in overstretch? Münkler identified one possible reason: The imperial mission may get in conflict with imperial reason. For example, the imperial mission of spreading Catholicism, which was given priority by the elites of the Spanish Empire, caused them to push Counter-Reformation and Inquisition, which severely strained the empire’s economic potential and eventually became one major reason for its fall.
All this leads me to believe the American foreign policy since 9/11, mostly dominated by neoconservative ideologues, has not just spectacularly failed, but may even bring about the end of America as an imperial power, if these policies are maintained.
The neoconservatives who dominated Bush’s policies, and who now advise John McCain, blatantly overestimate America’s military strength, while spending taxpayer money as no drunken sailor ever could in their place. As desirable it would be if America could spread democracy and freedom in the world, America simply cannot afford this imperial mission at any cost - but this mission, on the contrary, severely damages America’s soberly recognized own interests.
What has John McCain to offer, regarding foreign policy? He wants to stay in Iraq “for 100 years, if necessary”. One of his top advisors, Robert Kagan, is a delusional megalomaniac disconnected from reality, who would even start a nuclear war for America’s greatness. And McCain has no sound plan about dealing with the dangerous financial crisis that threatens America’s status as dominant economic power; on the contrary, he supports the expansion of the military budget, while the deficit explodes. He wants to further alienate Russia by expelling it from G8 and embracing Georgia and Ukraine into NATO. John McCain’s foreign policy proposals are not just wrong, they are outright dangerous - for America and for the whole world.
If you want America to maintain its status as global power, do not vote for John McCain. And if you think the world deserves a better fate than being turned in radioactive wasteland, make sure ideologues such as Robert Kagan stay as far from power as possible.




